[Adapted
from Brundage] Internal quarrels within the Latin states made
it imperative for the Latin settlements in the East to remain at peace
with their Moslem neighbors. At the same time the anarchy of the internal
politics of the Latin states and the lack of an effective organization
for the implementation of policy within the states made it most unlikely
that peace could be long preserved. The newcomer group for the most part
favored war with the Moslems. War against the infidel was necessary to
achieve the goals of the group. The terms of a treaty concluded in 1180
between Saladin and the Latins guaranteed free commercial communication
between Christian and Moslem territory. The passage of caravans of Moslem
merchants through Latin held country was a constant invitation to lawless
and irresponsible men, whom the government of the Latin states could not
easily check. Rich caravans owned by infidel merchants passed constantly
before the eyes of such men in the Latin states and they well knew that
the King and the barons of the realm were unlikely to take serious reprisals
against a man who yielded to temptation and plundered a caravan. Although
such an action might bring with it the threat of war, still war itself
would bring opportunity as well as peril to those clever enough to seize
the main chance.
In the summer of 1181, Reginald of Chatillon, a handsome, reckless member
of the newcomer group, gave in to the lure of easy gain and attacked a
caravan en route from Damascus to Mecca. Saladin complained to the Latin
authorities of the violation of the treaty. The prostrate Latin King could
do nothing to secure redress. After jailing fifteen hundred pilgrims at
Damietta as hostages, Saladin took to war.19 Saladin and his Egyptian
forces eluded the army of the Latin Kingdom by crossing the Sinai Desert
to Damascus. From there the Moslems invaded the Latin states in July 1182.
The campaign, however, was inconclusive. Both sides claimed victory and
retired to prepare for further combat. By 1182 Baldwin IV bad fallen so
grievously ill that to continue his personal direction of affairs was
impossible. A regency once more was necessary.
While the army was waiting in this state of suspense at the spring of
Saffuriyah the King was at Nazareth suffering from a high fever. His leprosy,
which he had had from the beginningof his reign and, indeed, from early
adolescence, had grown worse than usual. He bad lost his sight and his
extremities were covered with ulcerations so that he was unable to use
either his hands or his feet. Although some persons suggested to him that
he resign and provide a decent and tranquil life for himself from his
royal possessions, nevertheless up to this time he had refused to Jay
aside the royal dignity and the administration. Although his body was
feeble and impotent, his mind was still strong and vigorous. In order
to hide his illness and to carry on the royal duties he had labored beyond
his strength.
He was laid low, as I have said, by the fever and now be despaired of
his life. Now he summoned his princes to him and in the presence of his
mother and the lord patriarch he made Guy de Lusignan, the Count of Jaffa
and Ascalon, who was his sister's husband . . . regent of the Kingdom.
He reserved the royal title for himself and kept only the city of Jerusalem
and an annual income of ten thousand gold pieces. He transferred to Guy
the free and general administration of the rest of the Kingdom and commanded
his faithful men and all of his princes at large to become Guy's vassals
and to swear fealty to him. This was done. It is said that, at the King's
command, Guy first swore that while the King lived he would not transfer
to another any of the castles possessed at present by the King and that
he would alienate nothing from the treasury. It is believed that this
was carefully and very diligently enjoined on him and that he was obliged
to take a solemn oath to observe these stipulations faithfully in the
presence of all the princes. This was done because Guy had promised nearly
every one of the great princes no small part of the Kingdom in order to
gain their support and their votes for the position he sought. It is also
said that he bad taken a similar oath to the princes that he would fulfill
his promises. I cannot positively affirm this because I do not have definite
evidence. Frequent rumors to this effect, however, were current among
the people.
There were some, indeed, who were not much pleased by this change. Some
of these people were inclined to oppose it because of their personal affairs
and out of secret reasons. Others opposed it on the grounds of public
policy and because they were anxious and disturbed over the state of the
Kingdom. The latter group asserted publicly that the aforesaid Count was
not equal to the burden of administration and that be was not qualified
to conduct the affairs of the Kingdom. There were others, however, who
were hopeful that his ascendancy would improve their own lot. These asserted
that it was well done. There were murmurs and many dissenting voices among
the people and, as it is proverbially said, "many men have many minds."
The Count, however, did not rejoice very long in the post which he had
long desired and which had now been conferred upon him, as will appear
later. At first, indeed, he gloried in it rather rashly.
I have said that the Count took this burden upon himself rashly, for this
reason: that he did not carefully appraise his own strength in comparison
to the obligation that he assumed. His strength and his prudence were
not equal to the intolerable burden which he placed upon his shoulders
He was not familiar enough with the gospel saying in which it is suggested
that the man who wishes to build a tower should first sit down and count
the cost to see if he has sufficient strength to complete it, lest lie
fail and hear it said, "Here is a man who began to build and could
not finish his building."'
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Текст
взят из
Medieval
Sourcebook
http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/index.html
Source:
William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum, XXII,
25, Patrologia Latina 201, 879-80, translated by James Brundage, The Crusades:
A Documentary History, (Milwaukee, WI: Marquette University Press, 1962),
146-48
Copyright note: Professor Brundage informed the Medieval Sourcebook that
copyright was not renewed on this work. Moreover he gave permission for
use of his translations.
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